Foni loved Jammeh, no doubt about that, at least the majority did and still do.
Jammeh used state power to make Foni inaccessible to the opposition, especially UDP making it a stronghold for his party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) from 1996 to 2016 when he was defeated.
When Jammeh was ousted, Foni naturally felt a sense of personal loss. The next five years following that ouster saw a mix of reactions to this new reality. The initial reaction was one of denial. Then grief set in, stemming from a sense of loss. Instances of outrage also manifested themselves, especially with the military presence in Foni that led to the killing of Haruna Jatta and the activities of the Senegalese contingent of ECOMIG forces in the region. Eventually, Jammeh would break his silence and give false hopes of his return. Some will hold onto that sense of hope and prayed for his return.
But the realities of politics cannot be ignored. Some, especially those in positions of political influence and leadership within the APRC were ready to move on from Jammeh in pursuit of their own political interests. This faction of Jammeh’s APRC comprised largely of Jammeh loyalists outside of Foni, a region that became synonymous with APRC. Most of these APRC leaders that Jammeh came to rely on at the national level were not from Foni. The likes of Fabakary Tombong Jatta, Fatoumatta Jahumpa Ceesay, Ousman Jatta (Rambo), Seedy Njie, late Yankuba Colley and their ilk. Their loyalty was always hinged on political calculations and always transactional. This kind of loyalty contrasts against the loyalty of those one could term as foot soldiers. The loyalty of the average APRC supporter, especially in Foni, was mostly hinged on pride, whether regional or through tribal affinity with Jammeh. In essence, they saw loyalty to Jammeh as defending one of their own, no matter what. We saw it in the excuses and explaining away of the atrocities of Jammeh as they were revealed at the TRRC or how some like Lang Tombong Tamba refused to assign any blame to Jammeh for anything.
This is in no way alleging that the people of Foni are not sensitive to the sufferings of their fellow citizens without exception, far from it. As already mentioned, Jammeh used state power to demand loyalty whether through inducements or intimidation. There was an element of intimidation in making Foni a ‘no oppose’ region in that neighbors feared for their own safety should they express unfavorable political opinions or support for anyone other than Jammeh and his APRC.
This dynamic is what led to the rift in APRC. On the one hand is the political leadership of the APRC, composed of individuals named above and others. They represent the institution of the APRC and are motivated solely by political interests and calculations. They provided the political and diplomatic cover for Jammeh through National Assembly enactments or across diplomatic missions.
On the other hand are the ordinary supporters, the people who bring the numbers and they are largely motivated by loyalty to the leader whether borne out of tribal or regional affinity. Some may have moral objections but were in no position to make them publicly because Foni was designated ‘no oppose’ and all votes cast there could be for APRC only. Key figures in this segment demanded that the APRC stay loyal to Jammeh and not align with the new government that they saw as responsible for Jammeh’s downfall and their despair as a result. They resisted any political alliances hence the ‘No To Alliance’ faction of the APRC which is a resistance movement by ordinary Jammeh supporters.
Love them or hate them for their loyalty to Jammeh, they are Gambians. Some of us, including this author held the view that the APRC should have been banned as a political institution following Jammeh’s defeat. That position was largely an emotional outburst done out of objections to how the party enabled Jammeh’s atrocities. Had that actually happened, what then becomes of the people of Foni in the exercise of their political rights? Banning APRC is not necessarily taking away those rights, it would in essence cripple the institution forcing the people to find a new vehicle through which they could exercise their constitutional rights. Basically, APRC would not exist as a political vehicle, but the people of Foni and their supporters across other regions of the country would still be citizens with rights that cannot be curtailed.
What this would mean in terms of real politics is an influx of new and existing parties seeking to win over those votes in Foni. Either that or someone emerging from the region with a new party hoping for endorsement of former Jammeh loyalists. The people of Foni face similar problems like every region of the country and have similar needs. They cannot be left behind on account of being Jammeh/APRC enablers. We must all recognize this, surely.
The question then becomes, how do we move forward with such fundamental divergence of views as to what Jammeh represented?
I recall a personal conversation I had with the Chairman of Brikama Area Council after his victory, and one of the points I made was how enormous the task ahead is for him. Foni fell under his jurisdiction as leader of West Coast, and as the closest agency to the people, the local government has a greater responsibility in meeting some of the immediate needs of the people of the region.
By showing them that governments are meant to serve people, regardless of party affiliation, they will see themselves in the government that presides over their affairs. Although they may still hold Jammeh in high regard, they will be willing to let go of the notion that without Jammeh they will be left behind, and as Chairman, he is in the unique position to do just that. To shape the views of people across the region that an effective government is one that caters to the needs of all regardless of current or past political associations. This would be a template for what a UDP government can do and through him, UDP can gain a foothold in the region based purely on his performance as chairman.
No buying of votes, no coercing people into giving votes, regardless of their political views, in return for development they are entitled to. He actually held similar views and it goes without saying his leadership is proving just that. As Chairman, his policies have positively impacted communities under his jurisdiction including Foni.
The disbursement of community development funds to all wards within the west coast region was one such notable example.
After taking the first steps to curb corruption, which was rife at Brikama Area Council (BAC), Yanks was able to raise enough funds to disburse half a million for every ward in his region through their elected councilors. As he makes greater progress in combating corruption and raising more funds through a better managed revenue collection scheme, he is confident he can raise more funds in the years to come and as a result will be able to increase the amount disbursed to wards from half a million to1 million per ward, something they are entitled to. He conveyed that prospect as promise made at a rally in Foni couching it in a message that with a UDP government, local governments will reach their full potential without hindrance making such a policy possible.
Apparently making such hopeful declaration is now a problem.
Foni, through one of their representatives, Almami Gibba are recognizing the fact that the local government that serves their region has championed policies that positively impacted the lives of the people of the region. This is true despite the council being headed by a UDP sponsored Chairman and party member, their one time arch rival. Foni is not being left behind and they are acknowledging the positive impact of the area council on their lives with praise.
One’s former arch rivals endorsing your efforts and leadership is not a political alliance, it is political realignment. What we are witnessing as it has been slowly taking shape, is a tectonic shift, a political realignment of Foni brought on as a result of structural changes that have been transformative for communities in the region. The people in those communities are poised to embrace the architects of that transformative change.
It is a turning point but because such realignment looks to favor UDP thanks to the work of Yanks Darboe, the usual suspects are out. Their mission is to spin this into a UDP/APRC alliance angling for moral outrage hoping for widespread condemnation of UDP for embracing the APRC, their former tormentors.
But what must be recognized in that narrative is the dehumanization of a region of the country by tying that region as inextricably linked to Jammeh’s atrocities and making them all guilty by association. That is disgusting. APRC may exist on the IEC register as a political party, but it is in name only. The party, as an institution, has been coopted into the NPP when all its national leaders sold their loyalty for positions in the NPP government leaving behind the supporters who gained nothing hence the resistance movement; ‘no to alliance.’
Personal dislike for Yankuba Darboe, which is what this is largely about, or disdain for the UDP, or even personal dislike of Almami Gibba and his political views is no excuse to discount the rights of the people of Foni or lump all of Foni together and making the people inseparable from the APRC political machinery. They deserve better than that.
UDP went into no alliance with APRC. The party did not change any of its policies or views to better align with APRC nor is the party elevating APRC members to become advocates or policy makers for the party. What is happening is simply a winning over of hearts and minds of those whose communities have ben impacted and they are speaking up. That is not an alliance.
If we truly desire the unity we speak of, such realignments as are shaped by recognizing the good in each other should be celebrated, not framed as moral outrages just to earn political capital.
Mankajang 